Interview with Benedikt Kern from the Ökumenisches Netzwerk Asyl in der Kirche in Nordrhein-Westfalen

This interview was conducted by Azher Hameed Qamar, a post-doctoral researcher in the COFUND project Migration, Diaspora, Citizenship, with Benedikt Kern, a theologian who works at the Ökumenisches Netzwerk Asyl in der Kirche in Nordrhein-Westfalen.

As part of my ongoing work on migration, diaspora, and citizenship, I spoke with Benedikt, a staff member at the Ökumenisches Netzwerk Asyl in der Kirche in Nordrhein-Westfalen. His organization supports parishes across Nordheim-Westphalia in offering church asylum, providing theological, legal, and practical guidance to communities that protect people at risk of deportation. In this conversation, Benedikt reflects on the grassroots structure of the church asylum network, the moral and political tensions surrounding migration in Germany, and the role of faith-based actors in responding to border violence and restrictive asylum regimes. His insights offer a grounded perspective on solidarity, human rights, and the everyday realities of protecting vulnerable migrants.

Q: Can you explain your role and the work done by your organization regarding church asylum?

A: I work at the Institut für Theologie und Politik (Münster) on the topic of church asylum (Kirchenasyl), supporting parishes in the Nordrhein-Westphalia region with all questions related to church asylum. This includes theological, juridical, and practical support from Catholic, Protestant, and evangelical churches. Over the past year, we organized between 500 and 600 church asylums in Nordrhein-Westphalia.

Q: Is there a network structure leading this work, or how is it organized?

A: It’s a grassroots network with no hierarchical leadership structure. The association, founded in 1994, is called Ökumenisches Netzwerk Asyl in der Kirche in Nordrhein-Westphalen. It’s financed through donations, church subsidies, and foundations. We have offices in Münster and Köln, with a team of five to six people supporting church asylum in Nordrhein-Westphalia.

Q: How is migration, particularly refugee migration, perceived in German society, and what are the main perspectives on this issue?

A: German society (post-WWII) has always had issues with racism, and migration has long been seen as a problem, often associated with criminalization and border control.

There are three main perspectives, especially regarding refugee migration:

  • Right-wing perspective: Sees refugee migration as illegal and opposes welcoming refugees.
  • Neoliberal perspective: Supports migration for economic reasons, both for low-skilled and highly educated workers (Fachkräftezuwanderung). Recent governments have changed laws to facilitate work migration but have also tightened asylum procedures.
  • Solidarity perspective: Emphasizes human rights and the necessity to welcome those fleeing danger. Church asylum aligns with this view, prioritizing the protection of everyone’s right to freedom of movement, regardless of nationality or status.

Q: Earlier in our conversation, you mentioned Pope Leo describing border violence as a “crime.” What does that mean?

A: Yes. He referred to the violence and police brutality at borders as governmental crimes. When states refuse to accept asylum seekers and use violence or pushbacks, it constitutes a crime against humanity. For example, he said in his speech:

“States have the right and the duty to protect their borders, but this should be balanced by the moral obligation to provide refuge. With the abuse of vulnerable migrants, we are witnessing not the legitimate exercise of national sovereignty, but rather grave crimes committed or tolerated by the state. Ever more inhumane measures are being adopted — even celebrated politically — that treat these “undesirables” as if they were garbage and not human beings. Christianity, on the other hand, refers to the God who is love, who creates us and calls us to live as brothers and sisters.”

Q: Many migrants coming to Germany are from different cultural and religious backgrounds, particularly Muslim-majority countries. How does your organization or churches accommodate these differences?

A: Within churches, there are varying views, but most parishes we work with focus on protecting people from deportation, regardless of their religion. The essential requirement for a good church asylum is maintaining strong, trusting relationships within the parish—both among the guests and the people who are actively engaged in supporting them. Most church asylums in Germany welcome Muslim or atheist refugees, not just Christians. For us, the central value is solidarity and living together, not forcing assimilation into German society. Our priority is protecting people from border violence and deportation regimes, which we see as problematic for German society.

Q: Can you clarify the difference between “church” and “parish”?

A: “Church” refers to the institutional structure—like the Catholic diocese or Protestant church administration hierarchy, including bishops, clergy, and administrators. These institutions often have a critical view of church asylum, prioritizing their relationship with the state. “Parish” refers to the local community level, where decisions about church asylum are made. Local parishes are more likely to support church asylum based on values like mercy, freedom, and justice.

Q: From a Christian perspective, how do you see the church’s asylum and the validity of law?

A: From a Christian perspective, the validity of a law cannot be absolute, but must always be measured against the criterion of whether or not it helps the weakest. Jesus puts it this way: Is man there for the Sabbath law, or is the Sabbath law there for man? This understanding of the law also guides action in church asylum: even if church asylum conflicts with state law, it is legitimate, even if it is not legal.  

Q: How does the church network interact with bureaucracy, politics, and the media regarding church asylum? Can you share examples?

A: Since 2015, there is an agreement between the Catholic and Protestant churches and the German government that church asylum is accepted in certain cases, especially under the Dublin Regulation. During the six-month Dublin procedure, if churches protect someone, they can request a case review with the BAMF (Federal Office for Migration and Refugees). Most of these requests are denied, so churches often wait out the six months, after which deportation is no longer possible, and the person can enter the national asylum process.

Sometimes, there is pressure from authorities on parishes to end church asylum within six months, but parishes must remain strong. Rarely, police have forcibly removed people from church asylum, which we publicize in the media to pressure the government and defend the practice. With the rise of far-right parties, we expect more challenges and will need to increase our advocacy to ensure church asylum is tolerated as a form of human rights protection.

Q: Thank you so much for your time. I appreciated your openness and the depth of your reflections.

A: Thank you.

This interview highlights the complex moral, political, and practical dimensions of church asylum in Germany. Benedikt’s reflections reveal how local parishes navigate state pressure, shifting asylum policies, and rising hostility toward migrants while remaining committed to solidarity and human dignity. His account underscores the importance of grassroots networks, interfaith cooperation, and public advocacy in defending the rights of those facing deportation and border violence. This conversation with Benedikt contributes meaningfully to our understanding of migration and the role of faith-based communities in supporting those seeking protection.

Rethinking Social Resilience: Towards a Lived-Experience Approach in Migration Studies

Azher Hameed Qamar

Postdoc Fellow COFUND Migration, Diaspora, Citizenship

University of Münster

Resilience is now becoming a popular term in migration studies and policy debates. Particularly in the context of migrants’ integration, it is often seen as a desired ability that helps migrants do well even when things are difficult. This dominant rhetoric frequently conceptualizes resilience as an individual characteristic or ability, overlooking the underlying social and political processes, structural conditions, and institutions that significantly influence migrant experiences. Such technocratic and neoliberal framings of resilience shift the burden of responsibility onto individuals, obscuring the complex, relational, and contextual factors that shape migrants’ lived experiences.

This blog post is based on my research on social resilience and migrants’ lived experiences. I propose to explore social resilience as a concept that is based on the lived experiences of migrants, reconceptualizing it as:

A social phenomenon marked by the social experiences and practices of vulnerable individuals or groups as they navigate political, economic, cultural, and social (PECS) changes and challenges (Qamar, 2023a).”

Through these experiences, individuals and groups learn to re‑examine their lives within new contexts and develop adaptive and transformational capacities. From a life-course perspective, this is an ongoing process. During the process, migrants’ status, social networks, accessible resources and support, and visibility illuminate how migrants adapt and change in a world where they bear the responsibility to be integrated. This perspective proposes the concept of resilience as a dynamic, socio-political process that develops via everyday interactions and institutional involvement.

Reconceptualizing Resilience Beyond the “Bouncing Back” Paradigm

By and large, accepted definitions of resilience focus on the capacity or ability to “bounce back” from adversity, which highlights coping strategies and recovery following challenging circumstances. This approach addresses key aspects of adaptation; however, it is inadequate, particularly in the context of migration influenced by persistent crises such as climate change, globalization, and socio-political crises. Researchers now argue for a broader conceptualization of resilience, which includes the idea of “bouncing ahead,” referring to the process-oriented resilience through which migrants adapt, (re)learn, (re)examine, and move forward in society (Qamar, 2023a, 2023c).

The shift in perspective means that it is necessary to recognize the diverse social experiences and behaviors in resilience studies. Migrant populations exemplify the dynamic interplay between agency and structure; as individuals and families transition from precarity to stability, their choices, strategies, and adaptations are inextricably linked to the social, political, and cultural contexts in which they live. In this connection, a life‑course perspective offers a valuable analytical lens for examining how lives, identities, and belonging evolve over time, providing a useful approach for understanding these processes. Focusing on resilience, a life‑course perspective has rarely been applied in migration research, yet it offers significant potential for illuminating the temporal and relational dimensions of migrant resilience.

Social Resilience: A Lived‑Experience Perspective

By the end of the twentieth century, resilience research primarily focused on individual characteristics, suggesting that personality characteristics such as self-esteem, temperament, competence, and cognitive abilities influence the ability to withstand adversity. Critics pointed out that such models as “heroic resilience” are narrow and often downplay the crucial role of institutions, social structures, and social actions (Qamar, 2024a).

On the other hand, the concept of social resilience focuses on the ability to withstand crisis and restructuring. This ability is shaped by access to livelihoods, resources, and institutions, all of which exist within evolving socio-political contexts (Adger, 2000; Adger et al., 2002). With this relatively new conceptualization, ‘social resilience’ emerged as the key concept in contemporary resilience research. However, resilience in the context of migration is fundamentally a social, cultural, and political phenomenon shaped by interdependence, institutional arrangements, collective responses, and the dynamic interactions between actors and their socio‑political contexts (Keck & Sakdapolrak, 2013; Obrist et al., 2010; Qamar, 2023a, 2023c). Hence, resilience is understood as a dynamic social process that shapes the abilities to respond, recover, and move forward within specific contexts (Bohle et al., 2009; Dagdeviren & Donoghue, 2019; Qamar, 2023a).

Recent multidisciplinary research has broadened the understanding of resilience, emphasizing how it applies within social, political, and cultural systems. For example, Ungar’s (2012) socio-ecological approach emphasizes how resilience is culturally situated and influenced by the person-environment interactions, complexity, and cultural relativity. This approach acknowledges a spectrum of resilience strategies, particularly within vulnerable groups such as migrants.

Migration, whether voluntary or coerced, represents a significant transition characterized by fractured family connections, financial constraints, language barriers, and the development of new social roles. These interruptions create a “new normal” state for the migrants in which they struggle to adjust, redefine their belonging, and experience personal and social transformation. In this context, social resilience is an evolving process shaped by cultural practices, interpersonal relationships, community values, and institutional supports. It is deeply ingrained in and driven by the political, economic, and cultural contexts that migrants experience. 

A lived experience perspective in migration studies is particularly useful for examining the developing process of resilience through continuity, decisive moments, and interdependence. It presents resilience as an inherently social phenomenon that is shaped by the continuous interplay between migrants and the political, economic, cultural, and social contexts of the host country. Migrants’ vulnerability, evident in marginalization, racism, restricted access, and political invisibility, significantly influences the process of resilience.

Conclusion

In the field of migration studies, the concept of social resilience needs to be adequately framed to capture a bottom-up understanding of migrants’ lived experiences. It should be examined as a social construct, giving voice to the participants in the research. Rethinking social with a lived experience approach will help to include the interaction of social, cultural, economic, and political factors in understanding resilience. It will also help to emphasize the importance of community practices, institutional interactions, and the broader environmental context. By recognizing lived experiences as valid empirical data, scholars, policymakers, and practitioners can better understand the migrants’ agency and the complexity of inclusion, belonging, and a meaningful existence in their everyday lives.

References

Adger, W. N. (2000). Social and ecological resilience: are they related? Progress in Human Geography, 24(3), 347–364.

Adger, W. N., Kelly, P. M., Winkels, A., Huy, L. Q., & Locke, C. (2002). Migration, remittances, livelihood trajectories, and social resilience. AMBIO: A Journal of the Human Environment, 31(4), 358–366.

Bohle, H. G., Etzold, B., & Keck, M. (2009). Resilience as agency. IHDP Update2(2009), 8–13.

Dagdeviren, H., & Donoghue, M. (2019). Resilience, agency and coping with hardship: evidence from Europe during the Great Recession. Journal of Social Policy48(3), 547–567.

Keck, M., & Sakdapolrak, P. (2013). What is social resilience? Lessons learned and ways forward. Erdkunde67(1), 5–19. https://www.jstor.org/stable/23595352

Obrist, B., Pfeiffer, C., & Henley, R. (2010). Multi-layered social resilience: A new approach in mitigation research. Progress in Development Studies10(4), 283–293.

Qamar, A. H. (2023a). Conceptualizing social resilience in the context of migrants’ lived experiences. Geoforum, 139, 103680.

Qamar, A. H. (2023c). Social dimensions of resilience and climate change: a rapid review of theoretical approaches. Present Environment and Sustainable Development, 17(1), 139-153.

Qamar, A. H. (2024a). Social Resilience: A Critical Synopsis of Existing Definitions. Corvinus Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, 15(1).

Ungar, M. (2012). Researching and theorizing resilience across cultures and contexts. Preventive Medicine: An International Journal Devoted to Practice and Theory, 55(5), 387–389. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ypmed.2012.07.021